Powerless Against the Corrupt Free Nutritious Meal Scheme

The KPK’s departure from the MBG corruption investigation exposes its impotence as an anti-graft institution, and paves the way for possible conflicts of interest.

THE Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) should not have dropped its investigation into the alleged corruption associated with the free nutritious meal (MBG) project. Their decision underscores how the anti-graft agency is powerless when tackling a major case that could implicate many powerful individuals.

The KPK’s official explanation for halting its inquiry sounded like mere bureaucratic decorum: to avoid running a parallel investigation alongside the Attorney General’s Office (AGO). However, the KPK was actually the first institution to launch an investigation into the alleged corruption surrounding President Prabowo Subianto’s flagship program.

On June 3, 2026, the AGO named the National Nutrition Agency (BGN) Chief Dadan Hindayana, and his two deputies, Sony Sonjaya and Lodewyk Pusung, as corruption suspects. The three men allegedly pulled the strings over the foundation responsible for managing nutrition fulfillment service units (SPPGs), approved unqualified SPPGs, and inflated prices when procuring goods and services for the BGN.

Tempo received information that the KPK had actually been preparing to carry out a bust. But the AGO beat them to it. Instead of moving forward with the investigation, the KPK shifted its focus to prevention. The commission took a step back, limiting itself to reviewing and identifying corruption-prone areas in the MBG project.

Law No. 19/2019 transformed the character of the KPK from an extraordinary institution to a traditional law enforcement agency whose scope of action is bound by bureaucracy. The KPK is no longer an independent institution but instead part of the executive branch, a status that makes it more vulnerable to government intervention. Moreover, the commission is no longer free to carry out wiretapping, searches, and confiscations without first obtaining permission from the KPK Supervisory Board.

A changed focus in investigating cases could actually provide the KPK with an entryway to continue probing corruption in the MBG project. For example, if the Attorney General’s Office is investigating suspected wrongdoing in the procurement of goods and the sale and distribution of SPPG locations, the KPK could follow the money trail left by the suspects and other individuals suspected of involvement. Not doing so will make it difficult to dispel rumors that the KPK had been compromised in order to clear the way for certain individuals and groups.

Given how powerless the KPK is today, it is difficult for the public to have high expectations from the agency that was once feared by corrupt individuals. However, letting the Attorney General’s Office handle the MBG mega-scandal investigation on its own carries a high risk of conflict of interest. One of the suspects, Lodewyk Pusung, is a retired military officer. Meanwhile, the AGO has a Deputy Attorney General for Military Crimes that has the authority to pursue cases implicating military personnel. This situation could create the perception of a conflict of interest and erode the public’s trust in whether the case will be handled impartially.

On the other hand, had the KPK pursued its own investigation into the MBG corruption case, it would have created a system of checks and balances between law enforcement agencies. Given the case’s complexity and vulnerability to political interference, this mutual oversight mechanism becomes imperative. The more law enforcement agencies involved, the more likely the investigation is to be transparent and accountable.

The KPK, therefore, should not be hiding under the pretext of duplicate investigations. If they continue to sit on the sidelines, they cannot blame the public for assuming that the anti-corruption commission is dead and should be buried.

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